Whither the Conservative Movement pg. 2
less so (Knight, 1985; Abramowitz, 1980; Levitin and Miller, 1979). However, studies have indicated that elites can use specific verbal ideological cues to mobilize voter support (Finkel and Norpoth, 1984).
If this is true, then analyzing rhetoric by political actors over time would give some indication of any shift in ideology that has occurred. If Mr. Bush is a conservative, then his rhetoric should reflect a similar “big picture” as that used by earlier conservatives. Differences in rhetoric, conversely, could be indicative of a shift in ideology. What remains to be determined is in which policy area would examining rhetoric be most likely to provide similarities or differences and what time frame would be most likely to be fruitful for investigation.
A number of conservative intellectuals have remarked on the consistent call for lower taxes in the conservative movement (Schoenwald, 2001; Edward, 1999). Such consistency makes this area the prime target for analysis. If any changes have occurred, surely it will be here. If things are pretty much as they always have been, then the rhetoric should remain fairly true to the same “big picture”.
The exact birth of the conservative movement is hard to place. Ronald Reagan was certainly the first modern President to willingly take that title, but the movement was well on its way by the time he won his first Presidential election (Schneider, 2003). Some trace the political roots to the career of Senator Robert Taft of Ohio and its intellectual roots even further back still (Schneider, 2003; Schoenwald, 2001; Edward, 1999; Nash 1996). The candidacy of Barry Goldwater for President in 1964, however, is generally seen as the time when the conservative movement came of age.
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If this is true, then analyzing rhetoric by political actors over time would give some indication of any shift in ideology that has occurred. If Mr. Bush is a conservative, then his rhetoric should reflect a similar “big picture” as that used by earlier conservatives. Differences in rhetoric, conversely, could be indicative of a shift in ideology. What remains to be determined is in which policy area would examining rhetoric be most likely to provide similarities or differences and what time frame would be most likely to be fruitful for investigation.
A number of conservative intellectuals have remarked on the consistent call for lower taxes in the conservative movement (Schoenwald, 2001; Edward, 1999). Such consistency makes this area the prime target for analysis. If any changes have occurred, surely it will be here. If things are pretty much as they always have been, then the rhetoric should remain fairly true to the same “big picture”.
The exact birth of the conservative movement is hard to place. Ronald Reagan was certainly the first modern President to willingly take that title, but the movement was well on its way by the time he won his first Presidential election (Schneider, 2003). Some trace the political roots to the career of Senator Robert Taft of Ohio and its intellectual roots even further back still (Schneider, 2003; Schoenwald, 2001; Edward, 1999; Nash 1996). The candidacy of Barry Goldwater for President in 1964, however, is generally seen as the time when the conservative movement came of age.
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© 2004 by Xpatriated Texan
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